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An image that captions itself. Nice.

An image that captions itself. Nice.

I’ve just got back from a very interesting presentation from Intel called ‘Screen Future: Shaping the future of TV’. It was a short session at the Millbank Tower with a small audience in which an impressive panel of people talked about what kind of entertainment we could expect on our Atom-powered smart TV’s of the future.

The most interesting panelist by a long way was Anthony Rose, former CTO of Kazaa, head of the BBC iPlayer project and now leading the charge for Project Canvas, the on demand delivery system being developed by the BBC, ITV, Channel 4, TalkTalk and BT.

Rose went into a good level of technical detail about how Canvas will work. One major influencing factor, he said, was that people used iPlayer in traditional, linear way much more than he expected In other words, demand for TV streams outweighed on demand plays of shows from earlier in the week.

The response in Canvas is to make use of multicast, a technology by which bandwidth for live feeds over IP can be dramatically reduced. At the moment, if 800,000 people watched England versus Slovenia in the World Cup over the net, the BBC’s servers and the internet backbone has to cope with 800,000 individual service requests and feeds. With multicast, only one stream is fed out into the internet and duplicated at each node, where it branches out to fill demand still using just one part of the total available bandwidth at any point.

In layman’s terms, it means that instead of 100 pieces of identical data arriving at your exchange because 100 people in your area are watching the footie, only one feed arrives at the exchange and is duplicated out only down those connections that want it. It sounds simple, but in internet terms it’s a bit like being able to have a two way conversation through your TV aerial. At the moment, it’s a criminally underused technology, so kudos to Canvas for planning it in.

The other interesting design point about Canvas that Rose talked about is that it will be designed as an instanced layer of software which can sit on any hardware which supports the API. That means set top boxes should always be able to run the latest version, years down the line. It’s also an open platform, and King is expecting indie developers to run with some ideas for building in layered information over the top of the Canvas system.

Not everything was shining good newsthough. Sir Michael Sorrell, CEO of WPP, the massive global advertising conglomerate, also spoke at the event and revealed the figures his organisation is using for planning the future. Platform owners, rather than content providers, will be the big winners, he said, and subscriptions will make up 60% of overall TV revenues by 2020.

So good news for Sky and News Corp, not so great for independent film makers or hard news organisations with a public service remit.

Sorrell also said that he expected more of his clients to get involved with content creation, citing Unilever’s involvement with the production of Ugly Betty in China. I think this was supposed to be positive news, suggesting that there are alternative revenue streams for us beleaguered “content providers” to explore, but it still leaves a bitter taste in the mouth.

On the brightside, though, Canvas is an exciting project which is being designed with the blurred distinction between TV, IPTV and social media in mind. Maybe we’ll be able to tune into the Demotix channel at some point in the future? That could work.

An impressive report from the Associated Press is up on the Guardian which describes a 70% turnout in the Kyrgyzstan referendum today. It seems incredible that the result is already known (and I rather suspect some people will ask questions about the speed of the count, given the circumstances) but there are heroic tales of how ballot papers have been taken to the refugee camps and workarounds to allow people to vote who lost their IDs in the fighting. Currently, the government is reporting 90% in favour of the new constitution – if true then it rather gives the lie to some of the theories about the violence two weeks ago being a popular action by Kyrgyz not in favour of reform.

There have been no reports of increased violence (although there are still, daily outbreaks on a small scale) designed to disrupt today’s vote. Credit is due to the Kyrgyz government for pressing ahead and making this happen peacefully, despite the odds.

Images of the SOS signs painted on roads in Osh
Images of the SOS signs painted on roads in Osh

If 400,000 people fleeing their homes doesn’t quite put the problems in Kyrgyzstan in perspective, how about this story of horror from Osh. Over 100 SOS signs have been spotted by satellites imaging the city. People desperate for help who still aren’t getting it.

Things are still developing fast. Amnesty International is calling for the government of Uzbekistan to stop forcibly returning people who fled during last week’s fighting in Osh and Jalal-Abat.  It may be too late, as other reports suggest that most of the 100,000 women and children who crossed the border to flee the violence have already returned. (Men weren’t allowed over, the suspected reason being that Uzbek dictator Karimov didn’t want potential pro-democracy supporters on his turf.)

What that means is more people in the highly insecure camps on the Kyrgyz side of the border, or women and children returning to homes that are little more than rubble, where supplies are few and far between. Throw in more tensions around Monday’s referendum on political reform and it’ll be amazing if the country isn’t back in the headlines over the weekend.

I don’t know if they still have them, but several times in the past I’ve been to the US and noticed signs by the customs desks with say “Don’t joke with the officers, you will be deported”, or words to that effect.

Good to see, then, that our home grown UK Borders Agency can see the light hearted side of its work with this headline.

See what they did there?
See what they did there?

“Officers ‘takeaway’ staff from a Falmouth restaurant”. I’m glad for them that they aren’t so overwhelmed by the sensitive task of dealing with refugees that they can’t laugh about their work, eh?

Or maybe I’m not the one who should be being empathetic? Bringing up the fact that my brother-in-law was beaten up for being Asian just down the road from their and the idea that perhaps a more responsible attitude might be needed to deal with the tricky problem of race in Cornwall would just be a little bleeding heart, wouldn’t it?

I ventured into Balham last night to take part in top multimedia journalist & entrepreneur Adam Westbrook‘s first Future of News Bootcamp. It was conceived as a spin off of the larger Future of News meet-ups (which I’ve failed to actually attend any of), but with a small group of people. The idea being the group can focus on solid business ideas rather than just point out all the ways old media is dying.

The topic was a challenging one even in old media settings: is there a practical business model that can be built up delivering humanitarian/human rights/international development news?

The magic whiteboard. Now any room can be a flipchart.

The magic whiteboard. Now any room can be a flipchart.

And surprisingly, it turned out there just might be.

In the spirit of internet openness, Adam’s written his notes up in a blog post at his website which is well worth checking out.

The bootcamps are an excellent idea and I met five other really interesting journalists all with very different backgrounds: Deborah, Donnacha, Kat, Rebecca and Phil. I strongly recommend you go to the next one.

(Although I wish you better journey home than mine was yesterday. After massively delayed trains thanks to signal faults at Victoria, I got to a final change at Hove station around midnight to find there was a small fire on the line causing more delays…)

I missed this, but shortly after being sentenced, Zambia Post editor Fred M’membe was released on bail. I love this interview he gave outside Luska Central Prison gates – talk about not talking things lying down.

I wrote a piece for the Guardian today expressing anger at the lack of international response in Kyrgyzstan. I wish now I’d spent the time doing the other thing I had thought about following up – the whereabouts of Maxim Bakiyev, son of the ousted president of Kyrgyzstan who is wanted on charges of fraud in his home country.

After the April revolution he went missing – believed to be in the US and accused of bankrolling groups seeking to destabilise the interim government. He’s at least part of the reason that country is so broke at the moment, and is suspected of channelling aid money destined for the incredibly needy in Kyrgyzstan of to his private bank accounts.

He turned up a couple of days ago in a private plane at Farnborough airport, where he was detained by immigration officials. the Kyrgyz government claimed he had been arrested and requested his extradition. If only things were that simple. According to PA reports and the Telegraph, not only has Bakiyev Jr applied for asylum and been granted a temporary stay, he’s engaged the notorious Carter Ruck to represent him.

Wonder where he got the money for those learned friends?

I’m not usually one of those demanding asylum seekers go home, but in this case I think I might go all Daily Express.

It’s going on for a week since trouble began in Osh, now, and the foreign press pack has finally arrived in the city and is starting to bring back accurate reports of death tolls and the sheer scale of the destruction. The one thing they all seem startled by, CNN, the BBC, the Guardian, is that there’s no sign of humanitarian aid for Kyrgyzstan yet.

Luke Harding’s report in the Guardian confirms almost everything Emil told me on Monday – the different stories that were used to foster discontent, the massively higher death toll than is still being claimed and the violence against women. What I don’t think anyone has grasped yet, though, is that in the areas outside of Osh and Jalalabad you can travel for 200km without seeing a police station. These are places where authority and moral order had already broken down and legal power was vested in the hands of uneducated village elders. There is no civil or military Kyrgyz force which can keep order. Back in April, the interim government admitted to the world it was broke.

In Bishkek it’s been the people’s militias that have been holding the line against the former president’s supporters. Emil believes that part of the insurgents’ strategy is to draw troops away from the capital so that a counter revolution can take place.

Read Luke’s article linked to above. It’s chilling. The fact that no peace keeping force has been dispatched to the area from the UN, NATO or the Russia security alliance proves that the world has learned nothing from Bosnia, Albania, Rwanda or Somalia when it comes to the speed with which action must be taken in these circumstances.

Obviously I’m not there at the moment, but I spoke to a friend of mine who’s a professor at the American University of Central Asia in Bishkek this morning to find out his thoughts on the situation.

Emil’s family is from Osh, the focal point for this weekend’s extraordinary violence. He grew up there, before he moved to Bishkek to study. He was visiting the city last week, and scheduled to return this week with a visiting colleague from the UK in tow. He missed getting caught up in the rioting by a matter of hours.

Like most people who’ve sent eyewitness accounts to the BBC, he isn’t convinced that ethnic conflict is at the heart of the trouble. It’s just not been a feature of everyday life there, he says. The ethnic divisions are such that Uzbeks live mostly in the cities, while the countryside is dominated by the Kyrgyz. Both are so poor and underfunded that they have more than enough other problems to concern themselves with.

I’ve seen, however, the way men can react when they live in the poor and marginalised areas of the country. When I was in Kyrgyzstan last September it was to report on women who’d been subjected to the most horrendous domestic violence. I can easily believe that it wouldn’t take much to spark a bigger fight – three months of living under an innefectual interim government which has failed to deliver on the hopeful promise of actually changing people’s lives in a meaningful way perhaps? While constantly being subjected to the murmourings of exiled President Bekiyev’s supporters telling you the Uzbeks have it better? These are my thoughts, not Emil’s, I hasten to add.

Emil has heard through his family that the unrest was sparked by the arrival of 300 Uzbeks from outside of Osh – possibly Tajikistan – intent on causing trouble. He’s heard rumours – unsubstantiated – that they broke into a Kyrgyz dormitory and raped and murdered teenage girls. Whatever the cause, he says, he firmly believes they were organised by pro-Bakiyev supporters.

His family’s experience has not been good. At least one “distant brother-in-law” has been killed, shot three times by a sniper. His uncle, he says, lived in an Uzbek area of Osh, and pleaded with the mob not to burn down his house, explaining his Russian descent. The mob not only obliged, but in a way I find curiously Kyrgish, spared the neighbour’s house too, so that the flames wouldn’t catch Emil’s uncle’s roof.

Every other house nearby was razed.

In Osh I stayed at a beautiful little guest house with a serene garden that was filled with the smell of herbs in the evening. We met with a charming Muslim muftiat in his tin roofed mosque who explained how he was trying to educate the rural clergy in female emancipation. He used his walking stick to knock apples off a nearby tree for Amanda, Claudia and I. It saddens me to think that most of that has – by all accounts – probably gone. We arrived during Ramadam, and the high spirits of midnight feasters seems hard to reconcile with the images coming from the city now.

Worse, though, is that in the Suzak area near Jalalabat we saw this incredible primary school, being rebuilt by dedicated teachers after two decades lying unused – and unlike Emil I have no way of finding out whether or not the irrepressible Syrga who runs it is safe.

Just been reading the daily World Health Organisation report on the situation in Kyrgyzstan, which lists a breakdown of NGO and official channel activity in the Osh/Jalalabad area as well as ongoing need. It’s a clinical document which hardly conveys the horror on the ground that’s being reported, and reads as though the Red Crescent and Red Cross are pretty much the heroes of the day at the moment (certainly the army isn’t – there have been lots of reports of soldiers simply siding with the Kyrgyz and shooting at fleeing Uzbeks).

I can’t help but be a little underwhelmed by the only mention of foreign government assistance. While the Kyrgyz interim authorities have been pleading with the Russian – and allegedly US – governments for help to keep the peace, they got this:

“One trauma kit (with supplies to treat 100 trauma cases), funded with support from the Italian Government, has been sent to Osh.”

Eeywitnesses say that there are trucks out picking up heaps of bodies off the roads and mass graves being opening up to bury up to 1,000 dead. One trauma kit would be funny, if it wasn’t such a tragic indictment of how the UN is pussy footing around the sensitive security issue (it’s the only country with both Russian and US airbases on its soil) and failing to step into a situation that’s been ongoing since Thursday.

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